Christian Psychology
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positive association of depression and abortion is com-
pelling. In 1992 an entire issue of
Journal of Social Issues
was devoted to abortion. Wilmoth (2002) concluded
that there is no disagreement that some women experi-
ence post-abortion depression. Subsequent research
supports such an inference. In one study, post-abortion
depression was found in 34.3% of women who had
surgical abortion and 22.8% in women who had medi-
cal abortion (Yilmaz, Kanat-Pektas, Kilic, & Gulerman,
2010). Pederson (2008) reported that women who
had an abortion in their 20’s were more likely to be
depressed that control women. Fergusson, Horwood,
and Ridder (2006) found that women with a history
of abortion were more likely than control women to
have mental health problems, including depression,
anxiety, suicidal behavior, and substance abuse. These
differences remained when controlling for confounding
variables.
Although there were no studies directly correlat-
ing abortion and suicide rates located in the literature,
the study of Pavolic (2004) is potentially relevant.
He conceptualized both abortion and suicide rates as
“premature deaths.” The purpose of his study was to
compare suicide and homicide rates in Croatia with
those in Hungary and Italy. The abortion rate was high-
est in Hungary, followed by Slovenia, Italy, and Croatia.
Both the male and female suicide rates were highest in
Hungary, followed by Slovenia, Croatia, and Italy. The
authors, however, did not comment on this “incidental”
finding.
Subjective well-being and two related concepts
(happiness and life satisfaction) were reviewed by
Inglehart, Foa, Peterson, and Welzel (2008). Happiness
appears to be partly genetically determined (Lykken
& Tellegen, 1996; Lyubomirsky, Sheldon, & Schkade,
2005). Indeed, it has been suggested by some authors
that happiness is biologically determined and fluctuates
at a set point as a function of life events (Headey &
Wearing, 1989; Larsen, 2000; Williams & Thompson,
1993). More relevant to the present study is research
that has compared happiness-related variables between
countries (Inglehart, 1990). Although per capita
income is, in general, positively associated with reported
happiness, some countries such as those in Latin
America have higher happiness than would be expected
on the basis of income. Other countries, such as the
formerly Communist countries, have lower happiness
than expected on the basis of income (Haller & Hadler,
2004). In fact, the Eastern European countries have a
lower level of happiness than poor countries such as the
Philippines and those in sub-Sahara Africa (Diener &
Oishi, 2000). Inglehart et al. reported research show-
ing that from 1981 to 2007 happiness rose in 45 of 52
countries. The authors maintained that happiness does
not have a fixed set point. They claim, however, that
economic development, democratization, and greater
social tolerance have increased the extent to which
people perceive that they have free choice.
Veenhoven (2005) provides a very broad historical,
philosophical, sociological, and psychological perspec-
tive on happiness at a cultural level. He pointed to the
positive view that modern society has a higher standard
of living, with fewer dying of accidents and epidemics,
and fewer social ills. The negative view includes the
complaints that society is drifting away from human
nature and could include such scholars as Karl Marx
(1867), Emile Durkheim (2006), and Sigmund Freud
(1930). Veenhoven presents data showing that years
lived happily and healthily decreased during the agricul-
tural period but became the highest and are still rising
during the industrial era. Five years later Veenhoven
(2010) continued to express the opinion that life is
getting better, people are becoming happier, and people
are living longer. He contended that modern society
fits the innate human need for self-actualization, gives
us more opportunity to choose, and promotes more
self-understanding.
Veenhoven (2009) contended that there is no
inherent conflict between the individual and society.
He maintains that, to the contrary, the well-being of
nations is a function of the well-being of individuals
in nations. Veenhoven provided evidence to support
the inference that years of happy life are related to the
position of the nation in the world, the functioning of
public institutions, national productivity, and the stabil-
ity of the system. He maintained that modern society
fits human nature fairly well and that happy citizens
make a better society. He maintains that the well-being
of citizens is positively associated with political stability,
economic competitiveness, higher energy consumption,
area per capita, life expectancy, government effective-
ness, technological achievement, and voice and ac-
countability. Well-being is inversely related to civil war,
corruption, and government regulation.
Veenhoven (1993) argued that happiness is not an
immutable trait. He acknowledges that there are mod-
est genetic factors and personality and mental health
factors influencing happiness. However, he presented
evidence to show that happiness changes with unfavor-
able life events such as illness, disability, death of a loved
one, or divorce. Societies change over time in average
happiness and change is related to the conditions in
those societies.
Diener, Suh, Lucas and Smith (1999) conducted a
review on subjective well-being in the individual. Per-
sonality factors are relevant, and there is some genetic
determination. There also appears to be an interaction
between personality and environmental circumstances.
Demographics and background factors associated with
greater subjective well-being are higher income, good
health, religious belief, religious activity, being married,
job satisfaction, years of education, and higher intelli-
gence. The literature provides a mixed picture on which
sex has higher subjective well-being.
TANGEN AND TEMPLER
